Tyranny, like hell, is not easily conquered; yet we have this consolation with us, that the harder the conflict, the more glorious the triumph. Our force was inconsiderable, being not one-fourth so great as Howe could bring against us.
All that Howe has been doing for this month past, is rather a ravage than a conquest, which the spirit of the Jerseys, a year ago, would have quickly repulsed, and which time and a little resolution will soon recover. For all of these reasons, Paine says it is imperative and urgent that the colonies declare independence.
His appeal to logos, or the logic of his arguments, can be found throughout the essay, as he does a good job of clearly organizing and explaining each point he brings up.
I have been tender in raising the cry against these men, and used numberless arguments to show them their danger, but it will not do to sacrifice a world either to their folly or their baseness. This continent, Sir, is too extensive to sleep all at once, and too watchful, even in its slumbers, not to startle at the unhallowed foot of an invader.
Paine sees the British political and military maneuvers in the colonies as "impious; for so unlimited a power can belong only to God. I consider Howe as the greatest enemy the Tories have; he is bringing a war into their country, which, had it not been for him and partly for themselves, they had been clear of.
His conviction was to unite all in the colonies and expose the stubborness and tyranny of Britain in hopes of gaining the support of the Loyalists and neutrals to support the cause with the Patriots.
Knowing that the war was going to need the support of all the colonists, he understood that unity was essential and found it necessary to offer what he could to help unite the thirteen colonies into one nation. Would that heaven might inspire some Jersey maid to spirit up her countrymen, and save her fair fellow sufferers from ravage and ravishment!
The ministry recommended the same plan to Gage, and this is what the tories call making their peace, "a peace which passeth all understanding" indeed! Roosevelt constantly turned to the words of Paine to express his thoughts. What we obtain too cheap, we esteem too lightly: His argument begins with more general, theoretical reflections about government and religion, then progresses onto the specifics of the colonial situation.
Not all the treasures of the world, so far as I believe, could have induced me to support an offensive war, for I think it murder; but if a thief breaks into my house, burns and destroys my property, and kills or threatens to kill me, or those that are in it, and to "bind me in all cases whatsoever" to his absolute will, am I to suffer it?
Government has its origins in the evil of man and is therefore a necessary evil at best. Afterward, Paine remarks on an experience with a Loyalist. Paine maintains a positive view overall, hoping that this American crisis could be resolved quickly, "for though the flame of liberty may sometimes cease to shine, the coal can never expire.
Paine also argues that America is sufficiently small as to be united now. One example of this is in the closing paragraph of his essay: He makes bold statements about the strength of America and the weakness and cowardly nature of the British, and speaks as an American man who simply wants what every American wants.
What is the author arguing? Primarily, Paine focuses on the present size of the colonies, and on their current capabilities. Were the back counties to give up their arms, they would fall an easy prey to the Indians, who are all armed: They felt that living under British control was adequate.
I shall conclude this paper with some miscellaneous remarks on the state of our affairs; and shall begin with asking the following question, Why is it that the enemy have left the New England provinces, and made these middle ones the seat of war?
He finishes Crisis No. The Crisis was written with such force aginst the British monarchy that many British loyalists were, after reading it, turned against the crown. Our situation there was exceedingly cramped, the place being a narrow neck of land between the North River and the Hackensack.
He used many referrals to God in his writing. An earnest supporter of the move towards independence he used media as a weapon against British rule. If we reason to the root of things we shall find no difference; neither can any just cause be assigned why we should punish in the one case and pardon in the other.
I have as little superstition in me as any man living, but my secret opinion has ever been, and still is, that God Almighty will not give up a people to military destruction, or leave them unsupportedly to perish, who have so earnestly and so repeatedly sought to avoid the calamities of war, by every decent method which wisdom could invent.
Wars, without ceasing, will break out till that period arrives, and the continent must in the end be conqueror; for though the flame of liberty may sometimes cease to shine, the coal can never expire. It was a situation which many knew would have to be altered if independence was to be achieved.
His objective was aimed towards the Tories and especially the neutrals who just wanted to be left alone and let the fighting for some other time. Paine calls hereditary succession an abominable practice.
Paine adds that if the Americans revolt now, they can use the vast expanses of uncharted land to the West in order to pay down some of the debt they will incur.
Yet it is folly to argue against determined hardness; eloquence may strike the ear, and the language of sorrow draw forth the tear of compassion, but nothing can reach the heart that is steeled with prejudice.
The opening lines are as follows: I thank God, that I fear not. Yet panics, in some cases, have their uses; they produce as much good as hurt.In "The Crisis, No. 1," Thomas Paine uses metaphors to persuade the American public to continue supporting the Revolutionary war.
Thomas Paine is considered by many to be the most persuasive writer of the American Revolution. May 05, · The historical significance of this document is that it was written on December 23, by Thomas Paine, and was the first pamphlet in a pro-revolutionary pamphlet series called "The American Crisis.".
Thomas Paine the Known Philosopher By Aysha Martin History World civilization since March 13, Thomas Paine was known as a philosopher and writer, but he was not associated with these careers until when Paine made his.
Start studying The Crisis No. 1. Learn vocabulary, terms, and more with flashcards, games, and other study tools. Quick Answer. In The American Crisis articles, Thomas Paine wrote of his support for an independent and self-governing America during the.
But no great deal is lost yet.
All that Howe has been doing for this month past, is rather a ravage than a conquest, which the spirit of the Jerseys, a year ago, would have quickly repulsed, and which time and a little resolution will soon recover.
The Crisis No. II.Download